Lucha de Dos Lineas N°4 - haora en espanol

 info y copias  twolinesstruggle@proton.me
 

USA - ICE Kidnaps Tufts University Student—2,000 Protesters Immediately Respond in Outrage

Masked federal agents handcuffing Tufts University graduate student Rumeysa Ozturk outside her apartment.

On Tuesday, March 25, ICE agents kidnapped Tufts University graduate student Rumeysa Ozturk outside her apartment in Somerville, Massachusetts. Six masked agents surrounded and handcuffed her as she was leaving her apartment to break fast after observing Ramadan. As of this writing, her whereabouts are unknown, although ICE's inmate locator indicates that, like Mahmoud Khalil, she has already been flown to a concentration camp in Louisiana, despite a habeas petition filed in Massachusetts federal court Tuesday to release her, where a judge ordered that Ozturk not be moved out of state (so much for the "rule of law").

Rumeysa Ozturk, detained by ICE for political support of Palestine    Credit: Mahsa Khanbabai

Ozturk is a Turkish national and doctoral candidate in the Department of Child Study and Human Development and a teaching fellow, who works as a doctoral research assistant at Tufts’ Children’s Television Project. She has completed a master’s degree at Teachers College, Columbia University, as a Fulbright Scholar.

As of this report, there has been no contact between Ozturk and her family, friends or attorneys. She has been "disappeared" by ICE, and Tufts administration was told that her student visa has been terminated.

Etats-Unis: Une étudiante pro-palestinienne arrêtée

Une autre étudiante pro-palestinienne arrêtée aux États-Unis. Rumeysa Ozturk, doctorante à Tufts, université privée près de Boston (Massachusetts), syndicaliste et défenseure de la Palestine, a été arrêtée par l’ICE ( United States Immigration and Customs Enforcement ) agence de police douanière et de contrôle des frontières. Ses avocats n’ont pas été informés de son lieu de détention , ni autorisés à la contacter, une procédure opaque, similaire à celle de Mahmoud Khalil, titulaire d’une carte verte, lui aussi visé pour son activisme. L’administration Trump cible les critiques du génocide israélien, les voix pro-palestiniennes sont de plus en plus réduites au silence.

En Oaxaca: cinco comuneros son asesinados en la Sierra Sur - info solidaridad

 

 

El día de ayer, la Corriente del Pueblo Sol Rojo difundió a través de diversos medios la noticia sobre la emboscada perpetrada contra pobladores de San Sebastián Coatlán, en la Sierra Sur de Oaxaca, en donde perdieron la vida cinco comuneros, entre ellos nuestro compañero Eutiquio Loaeza Jiménez quién fuera militante de la organización y Coordinador de nuestro Comité Regional de la Sierra Sur.

El día de hoy, 25 de marzo, se realizará el sepelio de Eutiquio Loaeza Jiménez, Adrián Jiménez, Israel Pérez, Javier Jiménez Pérez y Vidal Ruiz, los comuneros asesinados de San Sebastián Coatlán, por lo que nuevamente externamos nuestra solidaridad con las víctimas de esta agresión cometida contra los defensores de la tierra. Seguiremos exigiendo a las autoridades del viejo Estado el castigo ejemplar para los autores materiales e intelectuales.

A continuación, compartimos con nuestros lectores el comunicado difundido.

·         24/03/24

La Corriente del Pueblo Sol Rojo condena los hechos de violencia ocurridos el día de ayer domingo 23 de marzo de 2025 a la altura del paraje “El Limar” en la Pista Barranca Larga-Ventanilla, contra pobladores de San Sebastián Coatlán quienes fueron convocados a un diálogo con San Francisco Coatlán para la recuperación de árboles maderables generados tras los trabajos de apertura de un entronque carretero que conecta con la pista.

Los pobladores de San Sebastián Coatlán denuncian que fueron emboscados, dando como resultado 5 personas fallecidas y 5 heridos pertenecientes a este municipio. Entre los asesinados se encuentra nuestro compañero Eutiquio Loaeza Jiménez, quien fuera militante de nuestra organización y Coordinador de nuestro Comité Regional de la Sierra Sur.

Nos solidarizamos con la pena que embarga a las familias de los pobladores que fueron asesinados y heridos. Denunciamos que los conflictos agrarios entre las distintas comunidades tienden a agravarse con los megaproyectos e intereses económicos que rompen con el tejido comunitario de los pueblos. En ese sentido consideramos que las diferencias entre las distintas comunidades pueden ser resueltas en el diálogo fraterno entre campesinos, dejando de lado los intereses de caciques, empresas y gobiernos en turno. ¡No a las luchas fratricidas!

Exigimos:

·         Que la Fiscalía General del Estado de Oaxaca esclarezca los hechos para dar con los autores materiales e intelectuales de estos crímenes.

 ·         Particularmente exigimos que el asesinato de nuestro compañero Eutiquio Loaeza Jiménez no quede impune.

·         Que se garantice la atención médica integral a los heridos.

 

¡Justicia para Eutiquio Loaeza Jiménez!

¡Por una solución alternativa construida desde los pueblos!

 

¡Gobierne quien gobierne los derechos del pueblo se defienden!

¡Que los trabajadores gobiernen la patria!

¡Con el Sol Rojo el pueblo vencerá!

CORRIENTE DEL PUEBLO SOL ROJO

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INDIA: Join us for the release of our magazine/report "Kaar: Chronicle of 14 months of Operation Kagaar" at TEFLAS Union Hall, JNU, Delhi. (FCAM)

Unite to resist Hindutva-Corporate backed genocide in Bastar !

Stop Operation Kagaar !

Save resources, save the people, save the country !

Indian hindutva regime led by Modi is on its way to militarization at the service of American imperialism and of its own expansionism in South Asia ICSPWI

Let’s support People’s War led by Communist Party of India (Maoist) more than ever in the International Week from the 07 to the of 12 April 2025!

March 26, 2025archive, ICSPWI Documents, International campaigns, news, Revolutionary InternationalismLeave a comment

The Modi regime, ideologically led by a reactionary and fascist Hindu supremacism (Hindutva ideology), is militarizing itself by focusing on the national military industry in order to become an increasingly aggressive regional power in South Asia and to play its role as a reliable partner of Yankee imperialism.
This dual role serves the Indian comprador and bureaucratic bourgeoisie to expand in the area to the detriment of neighboring states and in particular Nepal and Bhutan but also Pakistan and Bangladesh.
As for relations with China, since the latter is a social-imperialist country, therefore much more economically developed, India in this phase aims to play the role of a bridgehead at the service of US imperialism against its neighbor.
In fact, India is currently unable to compete directly with China, neither on the economic level nor on the strictly military level (and the numbers speak for themselves: this year China has allocated investments in the military sector for 275 billion dollars while the Indian share is equivalent to 75 billion dollars, with an increase of 7 billion compared to the previous year).

In any case, Modi's Hindutva regime has not only increased its budget compared to previous years, but from a qualitative point of view it is aiming for the "nationalization" of the sector by limiting the import of weapons and developing the internal military industry also through the support of private companies and national startups as well as joint ventures.

 

India: the "largest democracy in the world"?

India today is the most populous country in the world with about 1 billion and 400 million people, a country in economic growth (7.5% per year, more than double the world average), but its economy is still dependent on imperialism and the Indian bourgeoisie dreams of building a strong country cemented by the fascist Hindutva ideology in which there is no place for religious minorities such as Christians and Muslims (who in certain federated states are however the majority as in Kashmir or a good portion of the population) nor for democratic dissent.
In reality India is a deeply heterogeneous and divided country, or as it is defined by Indian comrades it is a "prison of the people", in which many nationalities are forced to be part of the Indian federation (composed of 28 states and 8 territories).
In fact, there are independence movements in at least eight states, starting with the "seven sisters" (the federated states of the North-East of Assam, Maghalaya, Manipur, Mizoram, Tripuram, Nagaland and Arunachal Pradesh) and in Kashmir, the latter of which has been "downgraded" by the Modi regime since 2019, from a federated state to a "territory" administered directly by New Delhi, furthermore the legislation has been changed to favor the acquisition of citizenship and the acquisition of land and property by non-Kashmiri Indians. This, in open violation of the 1949 Constitution, opens the way to more brutal forms of colonialism in Kashmir by the central government.

In addition, the imposition of Hindutva ideology in the last decade is not very suitable for states where there are strong linguistic, cultural and national identities such as in Tamil Nadu, Telengana and Punjab.

 

The alternative to Hindutva India is the New Democratic Revolution for a truly democratic and socialist India

It is the People's War launched in 1968 in Naxalbari in West Bengal (hence the terms "naxalism" and "naxalites" to respectively define Maoism and the Maoists in India) today led by the Communist Party of India (Maoist), the result of the unification in 2004 of the two main "Naxalite" branches, the Communist Party of India (Marxist-Leninist) People's War Group and the Maoist Communist Centre, which in 2012 was joined by the Communist Party of India (Marxist-Leninist) Naxalbari, which today represents the "main internal security threat" of India as defined by former Prime Minister Singh in 2006.

The Communist Party of India (Maoist) through the strategy of people's war, leads a New Democratic Revolution with the aim of eliminating the feudal residues that oppress the peasants, the adivasis (tribal populations) and the people in the countryside and distribute the lands to the peasants and eliminate the semi-colonial dependence of the country on imperialism and in particular the Yankee one. Such a revolution taking place mainly in the vast rural areas of the country, but also with a presence in the metropolises, can only be crowned with the seizure of central political power and uninterruptedly continuing towards a socialist revolution led by the workers and the Indian working class allied with the other oppressed social classes of the country. Furthermore, the CPI (Maoist) supports the independence movements and the oppressed nations within the Indian federation.

The CPI (Maoist) is a genuine internationalist party, supporting first of all the other current people's wars and armed struggles led by the m-l-m brother parties in the Philippines, in Manipur (inside the country) led by the Maoist Communist Party of Manipur, in Turkey and North Kurdistan and in Bangladesh as well as the national liberation movements, most notably the Palestinian one and also supporting the class struggle of the workers in the Imperialist Countries.

After the operation Al-Aqsa Flood was launched by the Palestinian Resistance on October 7, 2023, the PCI (M) expressed full support to Hamas and to all the resistance groups by organizing initiatives and political campaigns among the Indian masses and workers starting from the liberated areas and in the guerrilla zones where the CPI (Maoist) operates.

It is should be clear that only the political and strategic line of the CPI (Maoist) led by the Marxist-Leninist-Maoist ideology represents today the only real alternative to the project of the Indian bourgeoisie, a real nightmare for the people and the Indian popular masses.

What is perceived by the Indian bourgeoisie as an existential danger, represents instead liberation from exploitation and the imperialist yoke for the people of India and the world.

 

The Modi regime is anti-popular and at the service of Yankee imperialism and Zionism

The Indian government of Modi and the Indian regime in general has always been a strong ally of Zionism and the Zionist state of Israel.
This alliance between the two countries guided by reactionary ideologies of the Nazi type such as Zionism and Hindutva, has become increasingly stronger implementing a close economic-military, technological and intelligence cooperation. The Zionists not only supplied India with drones and know-how, but trained the Indian repressive forces in the techniques of counter-guerrilla warfare and selective elimination that they applied in Palestine and the Middle East against the leaders of the Resistance.

Today, with the rise of Trump to the US presidency, the Washington-New Delhi axis is even more strengthened, given that the Indo-Pacific area and in particular Taiwan, is becoming the center of inter-imperialist contradictions between Yankee imperialism and Chinese social-imperialism.
The Indian comprador and bureaucratic bourgeoisie at this stage was expecting nothing better to further secure its role as a bastion of Yankee imperialism in South Asia and to take even more advantage of its position guaranteed by imperialism itself.

 

 

The Genocidal Counter-Revolution of the Indian Regime and the Modi Government

Since November 2009, the Indian regime has launched a military operation called Green Hunt with the aim of scorching the earth in the liberated areas under the popular government of the CPI (Maoist) and in the guerrilla zones, transferring entire villages to concentration camps to separate the population (the sea) from the revolutionaries (the fishes) and therefore to damage not only the party but also the popular mass organizations of farmers and adivasis, at the same time elite special forces such as the Greyhounds or the COBRA corps have been created to support the various police forces (i.e. the federal police, the local police of each state, the cross-border police between the various states) that have committed horrendous crimes by perpetuating massacres in the peasant and adivasi villages.

The government has also tried to penetrate the revolutionary areas by promising "development", with the construction of infrastructures starting from roads and bridges, which in reality are the means to facilitate the movement of troops and as the roads advance, police stations, prisons, concentration camps spring up like mushrooms along with the multiplication of contracts for foreign companies and joint ventures to exploit the raw materials of those regions to the detriment of the economy of the local populations.
Even if during these 15 years the CPI (Maoist) and the PLGA have organized counter-offensive campaigns forcing the Indian regime to postpone from time to time its promise to completely eliminate Naxalism, as the Indian comrades themselves affirm, the losses in the revolutionary camp have been huge: many liberated areas have been reconquered, the guerrilla fronts have decreased, some important leaders of the party even at the level of the central committee have been assassinated and arrested as well as the losses among the ranks of the guerrillas have increased.
This has also been aided by the Indian regime's ability to update its overall strategy of Operation Green Hunt, through the sub-operations Samadhan and Prahar starting in 2017, which has seen the use of air strikes with the use of the army starting in 2021.
At the same time, over the past 15 years, the Indian regime has intensified its repression of democratic, progressive and revolutionary intellectuals who criticize military repression and the killing of thousands of people.

All this has also been supported by the Indian regime's ability to update its overall strategy of Operation Green Hunt, through the sub-operations Samadhan and Prahar starting in 2017 which has seen the use of aerial bombardments with the employment of the army starting in 2021.
At the same time, over the last 15 years, the Indian regime has intensified its repression of democratic, progressive and revolutionary intellectuals who criticize the military repression and the killing of thousands of tribal civilians in the areas of the Revolutionary Compact Zone (the areas where the CPI (Maoist) operates which the bourgeoisie calls the "red corridor").
These intellectuals are labeled by the government as "urban Maoists" and are arrested by applying the anti-terrorist law, the Unlawful Activities Prevention Act of 1967 (passed a year before the Naxalbari uprising) which was extensively amended and extended in 2004, the year of the birth of the CPI (Maoist). Emblematic was the slow state assassination of Prof. Saibaba of the University of New Delhi, a progressive leader who denounced Operation Green Hunt. Accused of being an "urban Maoist", after long periods of detention starting in 2014 in conditions that progressively undermined his precarious health, he finally died last October 12.

Revolution or Reaction? Taking sides is a must!

Now the last deadline set by the Indian government to eliminate Naxalism in India is March 2026 through the current genocidal operation called Kaagar.
Now more than ever it is necessary to support the People's War in India and the CPI (Maoist) at a global level because the People's War is the only alternative to the Hindutva barbarism that forces the majority of the Indian population to live in misery and that condemns them to the plundering of the wealth of their country by imperialism in league with the Indian comprador bourgeoisie.

Supporting the People's War in India and the CPI (Maoist) therefore means:

supporting the possibility that the most populous country in the world can free itself from oppression;

hindering the plans of imperialism in Asia and in the Indo-Pacific area;

supporting the development of revolutionary movements in South Asia and in particular in neighboring countries such as Nepal, Bhutan, Myanmar and in social-imperialist China itself;

supporting the global anti-imperialist struggle and in particular supporting the national liberation struggle in Palestine by striking the Israel-India axis.

The international support campaign launched by our committee calls on all Marxist-Leninist-Maoist organizations and parties, all communists and revolutionaries, progressives and democrats to support the international campaign of support of the People's War in India and the CPI (Maoist) in the week of April 7-12 in all continents and in as many countries of the world as possible.
This international week is the first stage of a year-long campaign to support with all possible means and forces the Revolution in India against the Hindutva reaction supported by imperialism.

To join the international week please write to: csgpindia@gmail.com

Turkey - ‘Salvation is not in the ballot box but in the street’ SOLUTION IS IN REVOLUTION! - Özgür Gelecek Newspaper,

 

‘The streets and squares were filled with tens of thousands of young people, workers, students, lawyers, unemployed people and women in a short time and the masses showed their anger and reaction against the living conditions, injustices, fascist aggressions and injustices imposed on them’

26 March 2025

[Note: The following assessment of the developments in Turkey is an editorial article of Özgür Gelecek Newspaper, which publishes on the Marxist Leninist Maoist line. During the protests, the social media accounts of the newspaper were closed and thousands of people, including many readers of the newspaper, were detained. Hundreds of people were arrested during the protests, including many Partizan readers. This translation is not an official translation due to the ongoing protests].

The attack on the detention and arrest of Ekrem İmamoğlu, the Mayor of Istanbul Metropolitan Municipality (IBB), and his close circle has intensified the power struggle between the Turkish ruling class cliques.

The cancellation of the 35-year university diploma of IBB Mayor E.İmamoğlu, who is expected to be the Presidential candidate of the bourgeois main opposition party fascist CHP, and then his detention and arrest on the allegations of ‘corruption’ and ‘aiding terrorism’ was the last move of the power struggle between the Turkish ruling class cliques.

Although the arrest of E.İmamoğlu within the scope of the ‘corruption’ investigation against him and the judicial control decision issued against him in the ‘terrorism’ investigation are interpreted as the prevention of the appointment of a trustee to IBB, in reality, what happened should be read as a ‘bargain’ to calm the anger and reaction of the masses on the streets. The authority to appoint trustees to IBB is entirely in the hands of the Ministry of Interior and the fascist power has the authority to appoint trustees whenever it sees fit.

What is concrete is that R.T.Erdoğan wanted to liquidate his ‘biggest rival’ E.İmamoğlu, whom he defeated four times in the elections, first by cancelling his diploma and then by having him arrested on charges of ‘corruption’. Whether R.T.Erdoğan will succeed in this move will be shaped depending on the negotiations between the ruling class cliques and of course the struggle of the masses. Because the arrest of E.İmamoğlu means that the fight between the ruling class cliques has evolved into a new process.

It will be recalled that a year ago, in the local elections of 31 March 2024, the bourgeois main opposition party CHP increased its votes across Turkey to over 37 per cent and won by a landslide in 14 metropolitan cities, including Istanbul, Ankara and Izmir, where a significant part of Turkey's population lives.

The AKP, which had been in power for years, had become the second party with 35 per cent. It was clear that for the AKP-MHP fascist power, especially R.T.Erdoğan, the bourgeois power opportunities were seen as an important threat to the interests of the clique he represented. As a matter of fact, it is known that R.T.Erdogan himself said ‘If we lose Istanbul, we will lose Turkey’.

Therefore, it was a very clear political target that after the 31 March local elections, the entire target of the AKP-MHP fascist power would be directed towards the CHP, the representative of the rival bourgeois ruling class clique, and the prominent figure of this opposition, IBB President E.İmamoğlu. As a matter of fact, after the local elections, it was known that the AKP-MHP government, in the words of President R.T.Erdoğan, was preparing for E.İmamoğlu by using all the means of state power, especially the judiciary.

It is known that the law in Turkey has no equivalent even in the bourgeois sense and that the ‘thing’ called ‘independent judiciary’ is actually used as an instrument of oppression and terror by the ruling classes on the working class and labouring people. In Turkey, the ‘independent judiciary’ has been used not only on the working class and the people but also as a useful instrument in the struggle for power between the ruling class cliques. As a matter of fact, there is a historical reality in which prime ministers were executed in periods when the power struggle between the ruling class cliques intensified.

In this sense, fascism in the conditions of Turkey is not only a form of government but also a form of government that dominates the entire state apparatus from the top to the bottom. The Turkish state has not become fascist under the AKP and R.T.Erdoğan, as some claim. It is a fascist dictatorship from the day it was founded.

For this very reason, it is clear that the fascist dictatorship has directed and will direct the useful apparatus called the judiciary not only against the working class and labouring people, the opposition outside the order, but also against the opposition within the order and even against the rival bourgeois clique, which are their class brothers. The fact that the contradictions between the ruling classes are reconcilable does not exclude such methods in the quarrel between them.

A court battle between bourgeois cliques!

The contradictions between the ruling class cliques are in the last analysis reconcilable contradictions. Even when the two ruling class cliques are in fierce competition with each other, they may well be in common in attacks against the people. There are countless examples of this in the social practice of Turkey. And again, in the social practice of Turkey, it is more than evident that the ruling class clique, which is the apostle of ‘democracy’ while in opposition, is the most notorious enemy of the people after seizing power. It is known that in the struggle of the opposition clique to seize state power, the reactions of the masses to the existing order and their demands for democracy have been used as a tool for their own clique's struggle.

As a result of this situation in the class struggle in Turkey; ‘The failure to create an independent and strong popular movement under the leadership of the proletariat has led to the use of the opposition of the working class, the labouring people and democratic elements as a lever to bring to power sometimes one and sometimes the other of the comprador big bourgeoisie and landlord cliques.’ (İbrahim Kaypakkaya, Nisan Yayımcılık)

Since the establishment of the Turkish state, the Turkish ruling classes have been divided into two main camps. These two camps have seen the use of the apparatus of power for the interests of their own supporters as the main priority and have considered every means and method, including the collapse of the capital of the rival clique, as permissible for themselves. Those who were champions of democracy when they were in the opposition, gave incentives to their own supporters when they came to power, and awarded tenders on an ad hoc basis. It is known that during the AKP-MHP rule, the ‘cronies’, known as the ‘gang of five’, who are actually more numerous, have flourished.

On the other hand, these two camps are not a frozen and monolithic whole. Some information revealed in the arrest operation against E.İmamoğlu points to this fact. Between the two bourgeois camps, a complete looting and plundering order has been established with the ‘rent of Istanbul’ at the centre, and tenders worth billions of liras have been given to each other. In this sense, it should not be overlooked that the issue for the AKP-MHP power is the liquidation of E.İmamoğlu on one side and the sharing of the ‘rent of Istanbul’ on the other side.

Therefore, the Turkish state has not become a fascist dictatorship under the rule of AKP and R.T.Erdogan, or even a new authoritarianism, as some liberals like to call it! What has happened is that in the twenty years that AKP has been in power, it has gradually seized state power, substituted Kemalist fascism with Islamist fascism, and has been able to favour its own supporters. At the current stage, the emergence of E.İmamoğlu as a ‘formidable opponent’ for the first time against the clique represented by the AKP has made it necessary for the AKP-MHP power to take measures for the continuation of its clique interests.

Today, the arrest of E.İmamoğlu in the power struggle between the ruling class cliques is not surprising. What is surprising is that the CHP, which became the first party after the 31 March local elections, under the leadership of Özgür Özel, carried out a process under the name of ‘normalisation’ with the AKP-MHP fascist government, moreover, it carried out a political campaign such as ‘showing a red card’ to the government, which is extremely funny in terms of Turkey's reality.

Although there are ‘understandable’ reasons for the CHP such actions such as representing the opposition clique of the ruling classes and moreover, being the founding party of the order, it is done with the motivation of representing the interests of the established order; Given the sharpness of the contradictions between the ruling class cliques in today's conditions in Turkey and moreover the situation in which the AKP-MHP government is in, this opposition of the CHP has not made any sense beyond the ‘opposition of his majesty’. It is also experienced in practice that it does not.

As a matter of fact, the CHP, in the line it followed until the latest detention and arrest attack and moreover the possibility of appointing trustees to the CHP, gave the bourgeois opposition its due and did not develop a fundamental objection to the attacks of the AKP-MHP government on the working class and labouring people.

The bourgeois opposition said ‘it is unconstitutional but we will say yes’ to the abolition of parliamentary immunity, which exists in their own constitution, and in co-operation with the AKP-MHP government, it paved the way for the arrest of the then HDP co-chairs and MPs. Moreover, the CHP has made maximum efforts to keep the anger and reactions of the masses of the people against the AKP-MHP government within the order. It has considered it as its main duty to refer the reaction and anger of the masses directed outside the order to the ballot box and elections every time.

The demands of the masses are real and revolutionary!

However, at the current stage, the developments in the international arena and the severe poverty, unemployment, low wages under the name of minimum wage imposed on the working class and the people in the country; the policy of denial and assimilation of oppressed nationalities, especially the Kurdish nation, the policy of denial and assimilation on oppressed beliefs, especially Alevis, the futurelessness of the youth, the murder of women and patriarchal oppression, hate crimes, anti-democratic practices and fascist oppression policies, such as the recent dismissal of the Istanbul 1. Anti-democratic practices and fascist oppression policies, such as the dismissal of the administration of the Istanbul 1st Bar Association, etc. have accumulated anger in the masses. The spear no longer fits in the sack, so to speak.

The deepening of the contradiction between the imperialists in the international arena reveals signs of a new war of division and moreover, the direct impact of the hardening of the contradiction between the imperialists on the Middle East and the Caucasus geography, etc. developments are seen as an opportunity to maintain the power of the AKP-MHP alliance, which represents the clique holding the power.

For these reasons, they have implemented a policy under the name of ‘fortification of the internal front’.

In the last process, the orientation carried out with the Kurdish national movement and propagated as ‘Turkish and Kurdish alliance’ is shaped as a product of this policy, and it is noteworthy that the ‘urban reconciliation’ made with the Kurdish democratic movement in the arrest of E.İmamoğlu is criminalised with ‘terror’. In addition, absurd proposals such as the call made by the fascist Devlet Bahçeli for ‘the PKK to convene a congress in Malazgirt on 4 May’ are not a solution with the Kurdish national movement by the Turkish ruling classes; It brings to mind the policy of stalling in the power struggle within the ruling class cliques. Moreover, it is obvious that Turkish fascism has not taken any steps in this regard.

The ‘fortification of the internal front’ policy of the Turkish state and the clique holding the power means fascist aggression against the working class and the people in general and the revolutionary and opposition movement in particular; In the current conditions, where the economic crisis has further impoverished the people, unemployment has increased, youth are imposed with no future, women are murdered, all kinds of anti-democratic practices and fascist oppression are in effect, the reaction of the fascist CHP against the detention and arrest of the possible presidential candidate of the bourgeois opposition has been to restrain the reaction of the masses on the streets and try to keep them in order.

In the face of the fascist aggression of the AKP-MHP government, especially the student youth mobilised with a mass mobilisation that scattered the dead soil of the campuses, wounding the police barricades and clearly expressed what should be done with the slogan ‘salvation is on the street, not in the ballot box’.

The streets and squares were filled with tens of thousands of young people, workers, students, lawyers, unemployed people and women in a short time and the masses showed their anger and reaction against the living conditions, injustices, fascist aggressions and injustices imposed on them. The CHP, on the other hand, took care to keep this anger and reaction of the masses within the limits of the order. It preferred to hold rallies instead of forcing the symbolic areas banned to the masses, especially Taksim Square, and the masses protested against this attitude of the CHP at every opportunity with the slogans ‘We came to action, not to rally’.

Although the process is a power struggle between the ruling class cliques, the masses have turned the detention and arrest of E.İmamoğlu into a struggle against anti-democratic practices, poverty, will usurpation and arbitrariness imposed on them. The bourgeois opposition stepped in wherever and whenever the mass movement showed a tendency to overcome the clash of the ruling classes among themselves, especially in the actions of progressives and revolutionaries, the masses were declared ‘provocateurs’, and the law enforcement forces who attacked and tortured the masses were embraced as ‘our police’.

The attitude of the class-conscious proletariat towards the struggle between the ruling class cliques, which is becoming more and more violent and is understood to continue in the coming period, has been known for a long time: ‘For a communist movement, of course, it is out of the question to prefer one of the two reactionary cliques. The communist movement regards both of them as enemies; it struggles to overthrow both of them; but it does not turn a blind eye to the struggle between them; in order to gain the maximum benefit from this struggle on its own account, it determines their situation in relation to each other well, isolates the most reactionary one, directs its first and most violent attacks against it, while not failing to expose the nature of the other reactionary clique and firmly maintain the line of enmity between it and itself. He knows that this struggle between the ruling classes may at any moment turn into a unification against the people, and that the clique which is the most reactionary today may be replaced by another tomorrow. This depends on the ever-changing balance of power between the reactionaries, on which clique is in power, on the existence of an economic and political depression and similar conditions. ‘ (IK, age)

The masses threw off the dead soil and filled the streets and squares. This is an important experience for the broad masses. At the same time, the masses are experiencing not only the aggression of the fascist government but also the in-order and fascist character of the main opposition party CHP. It is clear that in the coming period, especially during 1 May, mass actions will increase and will be directed towards more concrete targets. It is necessary to prepare for this process.

PARTIZAN: ‘LET’S RE-IGNITE THE BURNING STEPPE, STRENGTHEN AND DEVELOP THE ANTIFASCIST STRUGGLE!’

a statement published by Partizan.

While the fascist AKP-MHP clique holds out one hand for peace with the Kurds, it brandishes the truncheon against the Kurds and all other social groups with the other. While ‘lullabies of democratisation’ are sung on the one hand, not even a balance of power can be established within the system. In the 100-year history of fascism, the peoples, the oppressed nations and nationalities, the oppressed religions were mercilessly and bloodily persecuted, and the struggle between the fascist cliques also took on infinitely harsh, merciless and destructive forms. This situation is permanent and stable. It is also compatible with the fascist character of all ruling cliques. When one of the fascist cliques took the reins of the state in hand, tyranny was the only way it knew, while when it let go of the reins, it became the most implacable defender of ‘democracy and the interests of the people’. This became its irrevocable law. Turkish history is a testament to this.

As the Turkish Republic enters its second century under the leadership of the AKP-MHP alliance, it is in the process of reinforcing its two main characteristics. The first is its fascist character and the second is its economic and political dependence on imperialism. This is not a preference, but a necessity of its socio-economic system. It sees the expansion of its sphere of influence in the region as a strong part of the imperialist warmongering. Otherwise, there will be existential developments, such as the inability to protect the borders that it has established through intimidation, violence, fraud and massacres. That is why he is taking peace steps with the Kurds. That is also why he is trying to strengthen the fascist regime at home as much as possible. This situation clearly shows us that the process initiated by Devlet Bahçeli will not include the ‘democratisation’ of the state and is an impossible dream.

On the one hand, the AKP-MHP coalition continuously uses oppression and violence against the people, the Kurdish nation and all sections of society, depriving them of their fundamental political, economic and social rights, while on the other hand it crushes, suppresses and dissolves rival cliques. In doing so, it tears up the constitution, laws and decrees. There are no longer any rules for planning attacks. There is no consistency. Anything that gets in the way is targeted. The rule ‘what comes with the ballot box goes with the ballot box’ only applies to them. The ‘will of the people’ only applies if the result is in their favour. The constitution and the laws are sacred insofar as they protect them. Freedom of speech, action and opinion only apply as long as they are praised and supported. Theft, favouritism, nepotism and even exploitation must be their monopoly. The monopoly on the possession of arms is not up for debate, and only they have the right to be organised. For everyone else, it is all forbidden: terrorism, subversion. This is the sabotage of the great Turkey that is emerging at the beginning of the second century.

This approach leads to the masses of the people being kept in devastating political, social and economic poverty. It also requires the liquidation and intimidation of all organised popular forces. Not only that, it also leads to the wearing down, weakening and threatening of all other reactionary cliques in the police and judicial apparatus.

This is the aim of the police and judicial pressure that has been exerted on Ekrem Imamoglu for some time. Ekrem Imamoglu, who has turned the discontent, anger and reaction of the broad masses against the AKP-MHP into a filling material to increase his political power, is at the centre of the attack. The AKP-MHP is ruthless enough to consolidate its power and destroy its rivals by using all fascist forms. It is ruthless enough to make Ekrem Imamoglu’s university degree, which he obtained 35 years ago, the subject of a court ruling. The will to continue the struggle of the cliques without rules, laws and constitutions was first demonstrated by the revocation of the 35-year-old degree and then by a large-scale arrest operation for ‘corruption and electoral alliance with Kurds’.